"Chinatown"-Official media of Chinese Australians

Before attempting to study how the Chinese as an ethnic group can develop strategically overseas, we may want to think about some of the most primitive questions from the beginning.

Recently, Australian far-right groups have begun to protest the Chinese "aggression" of Australia in the form of capital. And the famous Canadian commentator Ding Guo recently wrote an article about some recent signs in Canada that does not rule out the danger that Chinese people will be "excluded from China" in the future. Mr. Ding Guo's worries are certainly worthy of our consideration. Whenever a similar issue is mentioned, it is natural that the voice of unity is not weak. Think about it carefully, why the Chinese always call for unity but cannot unite? According to the author's analysis, there are two structural obstacles to the Chinese people's failure to unite. That is the lack of identity and consensus on interests.

(XNUMX) Lack of identity

It is said that the Chinese lack identity recognition, or cannot be recognized by everyone. Just looking at the Chinese as an ethnic group, it is not difficult to find that the "Chinese" is indeed just an "imaginative community" that is not profound. The biggest haze facing the Chinese identity is the "extension of the contradiction between Asian and Greater China political values ​​overseas."

"The contradiction of Asia/Greater China's political values ​​extends overseas." The straightforward explanation is that overseas Chinese are "supporting communism or anti-communist", "establishment or pan-democracy", "blue-green", "contradictions between China and Hong Kong". The attitude and position of the "cross-strait issue" have affected their social life overseas and their desire to become a united ethnic group.

Many Chinese are prone to pan-moralization in the face of politics. If the other party's position is at odds with me, it is not just a different concept, but the other party may be an "evil" person or an "uncivilized" person at all. Pan-ethical politics also means that when facing the social issues of the country in which they live, it is difficult for Chinese to make a rational political cut when facing each other—that is, discussing overseas overseas and temporarily stranding each other's differences on a series of issues in their home country. So even if you and I both recognize that you belong to Chinese, but you are not willing to work with each other because you are so "undemocratic" and I am so "unpatriotic."

If it involves the issue of China and Hong Kong, or cross-strait issues, many Chinese even begin to disagree with the identity of Chinese. Therefore, the terms "Taiwanese" and "Hong Kong-born" have only recently appeared. We must know that in Canada or other overseas regions, Hong Kong and Taiwan are very important sources of Chinese. If a considerable number of people in these two sources do not agree that they are Chinese at all, then the population base and locality of the imaginary community of the Chinese community The ratio dropped a lot at once. Since I don't agree that I am a Chinese, what more can I talk about unity? In fact, because of the escalation of conflicts between China and Hong Kong in the past two years, a small number of immigrants from China and Hong Kong have indeed caused some friction between each other. I have seen a few friends who have always supported a certain party and faction, because the candidates proposed by the party in a certain election were of mainland background, so they did not vote.

The author’s university teacher once said, “There is no Chinese community in Metro Vancouver, but there are actually a bunch of Chinese with several different communities”.

(XNUMX) Lack of policy consensus

Another problem is the lack of consensus on interests. Chinese, taking Canada as an example, have two characteristics, one is a large population, and the other is a diverse background. This is different from many minorities living in the West. Because of the diversity of backgrounds, it is difficult for Chinese to form a policy consensus like Mexicans in California (similar economic backgrounds) and Cubans in Florida (similar political backgrounds, economically better than other Hispanics). Ethnic politics. Among the Chinese are wealthy, wage earners, investment immigrants, skilled immigrants and immigrants from overseas students. They belong to different social classes and have different educational and conceptual backgrounds. Therefore, it is difficult to find a policy consensus when it comes to politics. .

Taking housing policies as an example, property owners and practitioners in the real estate industry hope that housing prices will continue to be high. Proletarians, especially young people, hope that housing prices can be reasonable, and they can all be Chinese. The organizer of this year's Vancouver anti-high housing price rally was a Chinese girl, and it was suspected on the Internet that the rally might be aimed at the Chinese, and it is also our Chinese. In terms of economic policy, class is more important than ethnic group. Since many ethnic minorities often live in the same class, they can naturally reach a consensus on economic policies. This situation is very difficult to happen among the Chinese.

The immigration policy is also the case. International students who have not yet immigrated hope for a more relaxed immigration policy, while many Chinese who have already immigrated and become naturalized do not necessarily want their compatriots to come in large numbers. There are many kinds of logic behind it. Some are afraid that their work will be affected due to economic considerations. Others think that Canada will be too "continentalized" if there are more compatriots, even though they may also come from the mainland.

Homosexuality is also a hot topic. Many Chinese with religious backgrounds or older Chinese are more opposed to gay marriage or have a relatively low tolerance for homosexuality. The relatively young Chinese are much more tolerant of homosexuality. Here we can see the obvious generation gap problem. It is worth mentioning that relatively older friends have a higher voter turnout than younger friends, which makes the outside world mistakenly believe that the mainstream Chinese value is to exclude homosexuality. In fact, if we do a comprehensive scientific poll, I personally expect that the Chinese will have considerable differences on this issue.

Perhaps the only policy consensus that the author can think of is education policy. Of course this also depends on what kind of education policy. A bill like SCA5 in California will indeed arouse the consensus among Chinese people because it involves the loss of educational opportunities based on ethnic background. It is the belief of many overseas Chinese parents that "for the education of their children, do everything". If there are any laws or policies that block children's educational opportunities, Chinese parents of any economic, cultural, religious, or regional background will be touched.

The lack of policy consensus is why the same Chinese people tend to support different parties. Because no party can do it in the interests of the Chinese. In other words, there is no common Chinese interest.

Conclusion: Thinking from the beginning

Since the reality is the lack of identity and policy consensus, we must first ask whether there is any need for "unity"? Or is it only necessary to make "reactive unity" when anti-Chinese incidents occur? If we think we have Unity is necessary, so what is the direction and goal of our unity? What issues and policies can be used as the basis for unity?

Before attempting to study how the Chinese as an ethnic group can develop strategically overseas, we may want to think about some of the most primitive questions from the beginning.

Article reprinted from World Chinese Weekly


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